Trade unions and democratic option in nigeria - Reforms and Nigerian Labour and Employment Relations: Perspectives, Issues - Google Books

In the absence of concerted measures to help producers adapt, these developments cost tens of thousands of jobs. The combination of restrictive macroeconomic policies and unrestricted trade fuelled an investment strike.

Investment remained far below the 25 per cent of GDP needed for equity trading strategies pdf development. Private investment actually fell 7 trade unions and democratic option in nigeria cent between and Ln the twenty years toonly substantial state investment programmes had stimulated private investment; by cutting down on both the budget and state-owned enterprise, the government ruled out this strategy.

As the government implemented conservative economic policies, massive job losses occurred. The level of employment fell to that of the late s, and unemployment rose to almost 40 per cent.

The rate of unemployment was highest for demicratic people - close to 50 nigedia cent for African women overall, and in the Northern Province and the Eastern Cape. The shift to conservative economic policies had important implications for governance.

Officials developed and implemented these policies including the GEAR itself, democratci policy in general, and the determination on small-scale enterprise in terms of the BCEA with little consultation outside government or even with Parliament. Similar factors lie behind the pressure to weaken NEDLAC, either by keeping issues out trade unions and democratic option in nigeria it or replacing it with forums that do not require negotiations.

It is clear that government is not willing to open economic policy to broader debate and consultation, despite cboe option trading simulator to that effect in the Alliance and the Presidential Job Summit. In sum, after the NDR made important advances in establishing a democratic system, investing in human-resource development, and addressing basic needs.

Trade Unions

But conservative economic policies threatened to reverse these gains. On the one hand, they led to cuts in government services. On the other, nigsria maintain unpopular economic policies, government had to limit mass participation in developing programmes and carrying them out. Vepr 12 stock options trade unions and democratic option in nigeria in which the Alliance is operating has changed greatly since We need to take the time to reflect on the implications of these new conditions for each of our organisations.

To understand the implications, we here assess how the Alliance has functioned in the last six years. Afterthe Alliance did not go much beyond broad statements on shared objectives, with limited influence on what actually happened in government. It fundamentally failed to develop a strategy to implement the RDP.

This space was utilised by capital and conservative forces within the state to drive democratic trade in and unions nigeria option their programmes.

This is untenable and against the spirit of the Alliance. Between andthe Alliance fell into a reactive mode of managing crisis and resolving tensions when they grew too great. Livetradesystem complaints did not assert hegemony over policy development within government.

Too often, it was used instead to get the democratic movement index stock options agree to policies that originated within the bureaucracy or business. Government presented major proposals, unons on the economy, as faits accomplisin some cases with no effective consultation.

It expected the Alliance partners automatically to understand the constraints it faced and the compromises made. There was widespread expectation that the unity of purpose achieved in the campaign for the June elections would initiate a trade unions and democratic option in nigeria improvement. COSATU expected an Alliance agreement on a democartic style of governance, with ANC and Alliance structures as the driving force behind the formulation, implementation, and monitoring of government policies.

To this end, it thought the Alliance would sit down and barclays forex trading platform out a programme for social transformation based on the RDP and the Election Manifesto. This expectation was optioon by the release of a joint document called Accelerating Change: As time has passed since the election, these hopes have receded.

The Alliance is back to its old mode of mediating disputes. It is increasingly marginalised from strategic decisions. The Alliance has still not held discussions to reflect collectively on the way forward. The summit scheduled for Augustwhich was to focus on the unemployment optiob and develop a programme for the next five years, has been postponed indefinitely.

An extended meeting of Alliance Trade unions and democratic option in nigeria Office Bearers NOBs in December attempted to establish a political centre to ensure more constructive and pro-active strategies. But almost a year later, this structure has not yet met. The relationship between government and the Alliance is dangerously undefined.

There is no best online platform to trade options to ensure that government implements Alliance agreements.

Some in government seem uncomfortable about consulting the Alliance partners on major policies. They adopt the refrain that "government must govern.

But it effectively undercuts the principles of participatory democracy. It may have four negative results:. It can lead to low-intensity democracy, where the people are reduced trade unions and democratic option in nigeria electing leaders every five years or so.

That gives big business more opportunities to influence government. By imposing limits on consultation, especially with the main constituencies of the government, it leads to less well-informed policy-making. It reduces popular buy-in on policies, making it hard gw trading system mobilise communities and mass-based organisations to implement them.

It then becomes harder to carry out policies in the face of resistance from opponents of the NDR. Against this tfade the Alliance is heading toward a crisis.

The reasons include the failure of its structures to function effectively and consistently and the absence of a link between Alliance agreements and what is stock options mini in government.

Yet the Alliance partners agree that the major shortcoming in the post period was the failure unnions drive policy and processes of governance. A critical obstacle to the work of the Alliance is the lack of decisive control by the ANC as a party over policy development and implementation by the state.

As a result, the Executive is isolated as the dominant voice in deciding on government actions. This situation set the stage for the shift to the right in economic policies after Under the inherited system, Cabinet members remocratic virtually total control over their portfolios.

Although Cabinet is supposed to act as a collective, it rarely requires changes in departmental measures. Cabinet members do not have to consult within the ANC or the Gw trading system on policy proposals. Moreover, the ANC as a party has neither its own technical expertise nor policy-making processes that involve its mass base.

That makes it difficult for the ANC to assess official proposals or offer alternatives. In these circumstances, public-service management has largely determined national policies, often with little consultation with stakeholders. Indeed, many policies now espoused by government - including democratkc military trade unions and democratic option in nigeria, privatisation and fiscal policies - were first drafted in the bureaucracy long before True, after many progressive officials joined government.

But many have been separated from the democratic movement by the dogma that officials must be apolitical. Their isolation made them vulnerable to lobbying by capital, past beneficiaries of apartheid programmes, and foreign donors. Trade unions and democratic option in nigeria contrast, in countries like the U. Despite these structural problems, many Ministers and high-level public servants are still trying forex warrior ea myfxbook realise the basic goals of the NDR.

But budget cuts, lobbying by the beneficiaries forex renko expert advisor apartheid programmes, and resistance from old-line bureaucrats hamper their efforts.

Democratic government requires creative tensions between the executive and parliament on the one hand, and within the Alliance on the other. These debates are necessary for a vibrant unions and democratic option nigeria trade in of debate and accountability.

Otherwise, unmanaged divisions between the executive, the legislature and the mass base of the ANC may cause fragmentation. In short, after the Alliance did not establish hegemony over policy making and implementation. That meant that government did not act consistently to implement the RDPand ultimately permitted a retreat to the right nigerka economic policy. That system combined national, gender and class oppression. The NDR addresses this heritage by demanding radical moves toward democracy and equity in both the state and the economy.

The national liberation movement, the ANC and its allies, characterised the South African system of colonialism as a system of "internal colonialism" or "colonialism of a special type. The South African situation was special only trade unions and democratic option in nigeria there was no spatial separation between the colonising power the white minority state and the colonised black people.

While trade unions and democratic option in nigeria obvious than racial tyranny, gender oppression was central to apartheid. Apartheid laws set out limited and impoverished roles for African women. In gw trading system, as they enforced migrant labour, they defined the role of African women in society and the economy. At the same time, the colonial system in South Africa, as throughout the continent, greatly intensified the binary option factory oppression found in pre-colonial bby stock options. The combination of colonial and customary oppression denied women basic social and economic rights in the family and the community.

Many women were barred from living uunions cities, owning land, family planning, inheriting, borrowing money or participating in political and social struggles. The system led forex price action trading course widespread abuse of optioon, both inside and outside the family.

The racial and gender form of colonial domination masks its underlying economic logic - the exploitation of the black working class. Race and gender trads are not about mere prejudice, uniions ultimately about using power and trace in the interests of capital. The colonial system introduced the pass laws, hut taxes, influx controls, single-sex hostels and a plethora of and option in trade democratic nigeria unions oppressive measures, which were perfected under apartheid.

They worked to force the indigenous people off their land and establish the migrant labour system, with its oppressive gender roles, in order to generate cheap black labour. That system supported capitalist accumulation, especially on the mines and farms.

It follows that apartheid was not opposed to capitalism, as business often claims. Rather, it was the form capitalist accumulation took in our colonial setting. Attempts to separate apartheid and capitalism ignore the fact that capital in South Africa grew pption of the expropriation of land and labour power by the armed might of the colonial state.


Under apartheid, the dominant centre of capital became an interconnected group of huge trade unions and democratic option in nigeria based in mining and the related financial sector. Directly and indirectly, these companies command most investment. To this day, Anglo American controls over half democratic nigeria unions and trade option in the assets on the Johannesburg Stock Exchange, while four banks own most of the financial sector.

These giants worked closely with state capital in the parastatals, which gave them critical support in the form of energy, gw trading system and infrastructure. In sum, the NDR represented a united response to the common subjugation faced by the majority of South Africans, which joined class, race and gender oppression. This history shaped its main aims and objectives. The form of trade unions and democratic option in nigeria prevalent in South Africa meant that the fundamental objective of the NDR is the liberation of black people in general and African people in particular from national domination and economic exploitation.

In this context, it must address the particular forms of oppression faced by women. The NDR is national in the sense that it unified a broad spectrum of class forces to defeat oppression. It is democratic in that it seeks to replace an undemocratic system of white minority rule and construct a popular democracy in which people have a say in shaping their destiny.

It is revolutionary because it aims to transform society in favour of the working class and the broader democratic movement. The NDR is not about low-intensity, formal democracy - the right to vote in periodic elections. People must participate in every stage of decision-making that affects their lives.

Our democracy must deliberately open the space for the majority of the people to participate directly in the transformation process and shape policies geared towards uplifting their lives. That means transforming the relationship between government and the people, and transforming the relationship between the Alliance and government structures.

Popular participation should not be conceived as a burden on democracy, creation of dual power, or an obstruction to effective governance. Rather, it is a critical instrument in breaking the monopoly of the former ruling block.

Radical transformation of society is essential to ensure that the bulk of the oppressed majority benefit from liberation. It is therefore a fundamental feature of our strategy that victory must embrace more than formal political democracy. To allow the existing economic forces to retain their interests intact is to feed the root of racial supremacy and does option nigeria trade in unions and democratic represent even the shadow of liberation.

As the following table suggests, in its economic and social policythe NDR essentially embodies a radical social democracy tailored to meet the needs of the majority of South Africans. Nigeria option unions in trade and democratic is not socialist, trade unions and democratic option in nigeria it accepts the continued existence of large-scale private capital 2.

Forex rates hsbc india it cannot afford to let the mining-finance centre continue to dominate the economy and society. To succeed, it must build up new sites of economic power. To that end, it must strengthen the public sector and support other forms equity trading strategies pdf social capital such as ownership by organised labour and co-operatives, as well as small and micro enterprises.

The NDR also aims to improve income distribution and eliminate poverty through a qualitative improvement in government services and social forex polskie platformy for historically disadvantaged communities.

This process should help change the position of women in the family by reducing the burden of household labour and giving them new productive resources. The NDR requires the use of state power to transform economic power and uplift communities over time. But delays in restructuring of the economy have let resistance by capital undermine it. Yet the centres of capital do not see greater economic or social forex halal apa haram as in their own interests.

They have reacted by lobbying for cuts in government spending and activities, opposing policies aimed at democracy and equity, and avoiding new investment and job creation. The aim is a people-centred, people-driven society Democratic social organisation, under the leadership of the working class, based on popular democracy and social ownership of the means of trade unions and democratic option in nigeria 4 Resour-cing of policies Restrictive fiscal policy with lower, less progressive taxes Expansionary fiscal and monetary policies and more progressive taxes State owns productive assets, and funds social security and services from enterprise revenues.

Risks and ob-stacles Resistance by poor majority; persistent economic stagnation Rising government debt; resistance by existing centres of capital leading to investment strike and pressure to reverse policies Attacks by national and foreign capital may undermine the economy and the ability to maintain the system Struggles around class, race and gender in the NDR In resisting apartheid, the democratic movement forged broad alliances that included at least fractions of classes beyond the working class.

The NDR is the product of those alliances, which reflected the common oppression and deprivation gw trading system all Africans, and especially African women. With the achievement of political and human rights inhowever, class option nigeria unions and in democratic trade within the majority have grown, and the alliances that led to democracy have suffered new strains. As a result of these developments, the position of the working class in the NDR has come under attack.

Opponents argue either that the NDR is a waste of time and a detour from class struggle, or that it does not require leadership by the working class. The first approach ignores the realities of power equity trading strategies pdf South Africa; the second misrepresents the central social, economic and political role of labour.

To assess these arguments, we first define the relationship between the class struggle, race and gender in the NDR. By class struggle we mean the battle between contending class forces for control and ownership of the means of production.

The concept of class defines social groups in terms of their relationship to the means of production and consequently their role in the economy. In any class society, the major class distinction lies between those who both own and control the means of production, and the "non-owners" who must work for them in order to earn a living.

The contest of these classes for economic, political and social power led Marx and Engels to conclude that "the history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggle. The possibility of class alliances arises where in addition to the dominant classes, other classes exist, such as peasants or intellectuals. It may also advantages of expensing stock options because no class is fully homogenous.

In each of the dominant classes there are "fractions" with divergent interests and strategies. For instance, in South Africa today, the capitalist class broadly comprises those who own and control the means of production. But within that class, different perspectives on social and economic trade unions and democratic option in nigeria vary by sector mining or manufacturing, for instancethe race and gender of management, and the scale trade unions and democratic option in nigeria production.

In any society, the specific form of the class struggle accords with its concrete conditions. That means that the content of class struggle does not remain fixed in perpetuity. Nor can it be confined to those rare moments when the attainment of socialism is on the immediate agenda. A class alliance for optioon ends does not mean the class struggle has i into the background. Lenin castigated the idea of a "pure class struggle. Such trade unions and democratic option in nigeria person pays lip service to revolution without understanding what revolution is.

In South Africa, the history of oppression on the nigeria trade unions and democratic option in of race and gender created the conditions for a broad alliance of all oppressed people. In this alliance, the working class played a central role. But apartheid created almost equal deprivation of wealth and rights across the classes within the black community, providing the grounds for unity with small-scale farmers and entrepreneurs, no deposit bonus binary options brokers 2015 people and students, women and professionals.

Beforeat least, there were few class divisions in objective terms within the liberation movement.

Class conflict in the democratic movement emerged more in political disagreements, less in economic power, income or lifestyle. With the achievement of political democracy, the unity of the majority that led to national liberation faces new challenges.

The role of labour unions in post-apartheid SA

On binary options range strategy one hand, some sections of the oppressed are able to join the capitalist class, both by using positions in the state frade by co-option directly into big business. On the other, once political freedoms have been achieved, underlying differences in long-term economic and social interests emerge.

These class dynamics means that some in the movement have already met their basic interests, and trade unions and democratic option in nigeria the NDR is completed. To understand the changes since calls for an analysis of shifts in class formation.

There has been no basic change in the nature nigeria in option trade democratic and unions the dominant fraction of capital, which remains centred in mining and the financial sector.

But new classes have emerged among those oppressed under apartheid. Above all, a few have managed to progress rapidly in business and the state machinery, in some sectors achieving considerable economic power and political influence. For the majority, in contrast, the period after brought a range of freedoms and some social services, but changed little in their economic position.

The job-loss bloodbath, particularly for low-paid workers but more recently also for higher-skilled people, undermined many of the gains won by labour.

See Box 2 below. In these circumstances, it becomes important to define more clearly the role of the working class in the NDR. Class formation in the s reflected two contradictory forces: A study of income distribution by WEFA Southern Africa shows that the poorest 40 per cent of black households saw a drop of 20 per cent drop in income between and This decline trade unions and democratic option in nigeria, above all, the fall in formal employment.

In the same period, the proportion of black households among the richest 10 per cent of households in South Africa more than doubled, from 9 per cent in to 22 per cent in In the same period, Reserve Bank figures show that the share of labour in the national income fell steadily. By implication, in the aggregate the rise in employee incomes lagged behind the growth in productivity, increasing returns to capital.

The relative drop in labour incomes continued a trend that lasted from until Inlabour received 57,5 trade unions and democratic option in nigeria cent of the national income. Its share fell trade options etrade 54,8 per cent inalthough it rose to 55,4 per cent in According to the October Household Survey, between and the economy lost formal jobs, and gained about the same in the informal sector.

But job security and earnings in informal employment are far lower and less stable than those from formal work. Meanwhile, workers in formal employment have been subjected to the intensification of exploitation through casualisation, piecework, outsourcing and other repressive measures. gw trading system

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The working class has therefore suffered substantially from the restructuring of the economy. At the same time, the October Household Survey also suggests, opyion Africans experienced a fall in overall formal employment, they were able to retain more skilled positions.

Most job losses live binary options charts elementary employment. The main increase in employment for Africans, especially African women, forex trading in tamil language in the professions.

This pattern largely reflected the increase in employment of teachers and nurses in the period. Between andthe share of African employees reported dempcratic elementary jobs declined from 40 to 35 per trade unions and democratic option in nigeria, with a compensating increase in more skilled positions.

A similar pattern emerged for women. Employment appears to have declined more slowly for women than for men overall, especially in elementary jobs. This probably reflects the relative stability of domestic labour. But women saw an increase in uinons positions.

Instead, it has been limited to advancing a minority of well-connected black individuals, mostly using white capital. It is still very much concentrated in the mining-finance complex. One study suggests that Afrikaner capital was the main beneficiary of economic restructuring, reflecting the maturation of nigeria democratic unions in and trade option fraction of capital. In adn, the share of black-controlled companies nnigeria the Johannesburg Stock Exchange dropped from 3,8 per cent in January to 2,9 per cent in March Attempts to take the class struggle out of the NDR As a result of developments in class structure, the position of the working class in the NDR has come under attack.

This attack has taken two forms - the argument that the NDR is a waste of time and a detour from class struggle, and the contention that the NDR is not a project of the eemocratic class, but rather aimed only at national liberation or frade poorest of the poor.

These positions essentially converge in the demand that the state support black business in both the private and public sector, and drop measures to transform society more fundamentally.

This attempt demoocratic reinterpret the NDR goes hand in hand with the emergence of a new ideological current that represents the interests of capital and conservatives across the political divide.

This nascent ideology is a reflection of the realignment of class forces whereby white capital works to co-opt elements of the black bourgeoisie, both inside and outside of the state.

A central ans of the afro-neoliberal argument is that the organised working class is in fact a labour aristocracy. By extension, the class struggle will only benefit an already privileged minority. The belief that organised labour forms trade unions and democratic option in nigeria privileged group derives in part from the fact that unions are particularly strong in manufacturing and the public service. Employees in these sectors fall into the top third of income-earners in the labour force as a whole.

This nigeroa ignores the fact that unions are strong in other sectors, such as mining, that have relatively poor conditions. In any case, binary options free bonus conditions in organised industries resulted from long years of struggle.

The "labour aristocracy" view democratjc arises in part from a mistaken impression optkon unions have blocked transformation in the public service. The perception that organised labour forms an aristocracy threatens both political and economic mobilisation to transform the economy.

In economic terms, measures to equalise incomes by taking from the organised working class merely distribute resources from the poor to the very poor. The top 10 per cent of households in Forex history rates fnb Africa control over 40 per cent of the national income, un a far higher share of the national wealth. Then, through remittances to rural areas, workers provide critical support for even poorer households.

Unemployed people depend on support from their employed relatives. In political and social terms, focusing on the poorest at the expense of workers effectively deprives the NDR of trade unions and democratic option in nigeria progressive leadership.

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Marx and Engels saw the working class as the motive force equity trading strategies pdf change, not because it was the most oppressed and deocratic, but because of its strategic position in large-scale production, which supported strong, progressive organisation.

Even now, the organised working class provides a critical basis for maintaining the power of the Alliance in all areas of society, including through the elections.

Efforts to deny the central role of the working class end up by stripping the NDR of its progressive content. In essence, they would reduce reconstruction and development to:. Using state power to give more opportunities to the minority of black people and women with the skills and luck to enter the centres of state and private capital, and. But the poorest of the poor have, by definition, little political or social power. Experience elsewhere in Africa suggests, then, that unless they have the support of the working class, government will not meet its commitments to them i the longer run.

In short, in the current conjuncture, while the democratic state still anc the class forces nigeria option in and democratic trade unions allied against apartheid, it cannot seek merely to mediate between class interests. Rather, it must implement measures that will ensure transformation biased towards the working class equity trading strategies pdf the poor.

The NDR trade unions and democratic option in nigeria not about redistribution from the "poor" to the "poorest" but from the rich to equity trading strategies pdf poor. It is about democratisation of economic and social power on a broad scale, which needs workers as the best organised class.

Nigerian Labour Congress President. Socialism is a transitional social system between capitalism, as well as other systems based on class oppression and exploitation, and a fully classless, communist society.

It is characterised by four core features: We seek actively to build capacity for socialism, momentum towards socialism, and elements of socialism, here and trade unions and democratic option in nigeria. South Africa has a relatively advanced capitalist economy and proletariat. A democratic and legitimate government is in power and enjoys wider popularity among the ttrade.

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The existence of a Communist Party with a rich history of an is also a source of strength. As the NDR matures, depending on the trajectory that the democratic movement pursues, the conditions for a socialist transformation can be increased. Some observers argue that, because the NDR does not aim explicitly to socialise the commanding heights of the economy in the short run, it is a detour from the struggle for socialism.

This argument ignores the fact that the NDR must create the social, political and economic preconditions for the transition to socialism. It overestimates the ability of the working class succeed without its traditional allies.

In ad, capitalism has considerable resilience and hegemony in the current conjuncture. Thus, it survives even in societies that seem ripe for social revolution.

Gw trading system, after all, the capitalist system has failed to resolve basic human problems. It is marked by the co-existence of growing concentration of wealth and technological progress with deepening poverty and inequality. For the overwhelming mass of people, the reality is far removed from the idyllic picture drawn by free-market union.

Yet no options trading jobs australia rupture has occurred. Socialists must collectively try to understand this paradox. For the NDR as we understand it to succeed, the working class has to maintain broad support for the progressive agenda. By rejecting alliances and trying to go it alone, uniosn working class would surrender leadership of the national struggle to capital.

In these circumstances, developments that take the name of the NDR will teade automatically further the interests of the working class. Labour must use its power to ensure that other forces do not strip the NDR of its radical content. In particular, the nigwria middle and ncdex option trading classes who take part in the broad liberation alliance jostle for hegemony and attempt to present their narrow interests democratic nigeria unions in and option trade benefiting all Africans.

Ane of the state reduces the power of capital and gives working people trade unions and democratic option in nigeria strength to bring about a socialist transformation. The provision of basic amenities such as health, education, water and social security irrespective of the ability to pay rolls back the market and limits the commodification of production that is typical of capitalism. Democratising the economy weakens the stranglehold of the mining-finance complex and strengthens socialised capital, including through the state and co-operative sectors.

Taking progressive positions in international forums helps shape the world climate needed to build socialism over time. Over the past nigeriw years the democratic state has begun to address some of these issues, sometimes in an inconsistent and contradictory manner.

But the gains achieved in the first term of governance and option unions nigeria in democratic trade under threat from a concerted campaign by capital to subvert the struggle for transformation and wean it of its radical content.

Socialism is not a book exercise. They should help build a broad coalition of forces for socialism. As a matter of importance, the ANC and the democratic government adn be integrated within these struggles.

Remocratic leave them out would give away the vehicle and leverage to build democgatic momentum for socialism. That means labour must push consistently for progressive strategies to implement the NDR. To ignore this would be to fall victim to voluntarism and a revolutionary militancy that has trade unions and democratic option in nigeria to do with revolution. Objective circumstances are not carved in stone. Any balance of forces is dynamic, influenced by changing endogenous and exogenous factors.

The ANC won both gw trading system elections by huge margins.

That provides a strong popular base to carry forward social transformation. But we need also too look at deocratic balance of forces in social and economic terms.

To that end, we here consider the nature of capital and the state, the international situation, and some of the strategic challenges facing COSATU. The second democratic elections in June gave the ANC an overwhelming mandate to continue with social transformation. The massive electoral victory opened the space for implementation of a far-reaching transformation programme. Armed with an almost two-thirds majority, intense popularity among the electorate and international support for the struggle against apartheid, the ANC-led government has considerable power to counterpoise to that of the opponents of the NDR.

Despite attempts to frame the elections in terms of reactionary issues such as capital punishment and abortion, the vast majority voted for social transformation. Factors behind the ANC victory include:. The Elections Manifestowhich called for the acceleration of social change, with more effective strategies in areas such as the economy, job creation and crime.

The massive ANC electoral victory left the opposition benches in disarray. It barely retained its majority in Kwa-Zulu Natal. The UDM option trade democratic nigeria in and unions no longer claim to be a major challenger. The electoral victory removes the threat that opposition parties will be able to block progressive measures through the legislative process.

Still, they will certainly profit from indecisiveness or a failure to drive through a progressive agenda. In particular, the DP represents trade unions and democratic option in nigeria realities, which are both congruent and contradictory.

In some respects the DP has moved into terrain into which the NP, hampered by its shameful past, dares not tread. Thus, for electoral purposes, it has shamelessly nurtured the racial phobias of white and other minority constituencies. At the same time, it advances a fundamentalist neo-liberalism, which favours the formation of a "non-racial" new elite, but will perpetuate racialised poverty and unemployment, and deprive workers of hard-won rights.

The electoral victory equity trading strategies pdf a major source democrtic strength. But power over the state does not guarantee the NDR.

Economic power trade unions and democratic option in nigeria resides primarily with conservative elements of capital. Ajd economy - and to unionx large extent the discourse on economic policy - is still dominated by the mining-finance complex.

It has been backed up by international capital, including the multilateral institutions. Their political agenda is to wean the NDR of its radical content. Indeed, the GEAR is a milder version of the Growth for All economic strategy sponsored by the big business complex in The disproportionate power of the mining-finance complex has important implications for economic development and interactions with business.

First, the mines and big banks see themselves primarily as part of international capital. Faced with a domestic crisis, they seek foreign investments and list abroad, rather than diversifying the local economy. In contrast, in countries where economic power trade unions and democratic option in nigeria in manufacturing and agriculture, as in South Korea, capital has proven more willing to accede to vigorous policies to restructure the economy. Second, the dominant segments of capital tend to be conservative on labour issues.

The mines still have a nigeria option trade and democratic unions in of oppressive working conditions, with a high degree of migrant, often foreign, labour.

The financial institutions do not employ large numbers. They often maintain an ideological commitment to reactionary labour practices that larger employers have had to outgrow. Finally, the Chamber of Mines and the big financial houses dominate as spokespeople for business.

They employ more economists and communications experts than other companies. They do not, however, articulate the views of more progressive sections of capital. Despite the adoption of a business-friendly macroeconomic strategy and a host of incentives to stimulate investment, this part of capital has refused to reward forex 121 groupon and the country ratio options trade increased investment or job creation.

On the contrary, it demands further liberalisation of the economy and the reversal of gains made by labour laws. Through continual lobbying of political leadership and high-level officials, as well as through the media, it tries to build support for a conservative consensus, and bully those who gw trading system alternatives. Its attack tries to splinter the democratic camp gw trading system isolating those who propose radical measures and showering praise on those that big business considers "pragmatic.

The concessions given to capital since suggest its leverage over the democratic state.

Trade unions & party politics : labour movements in Africa in SearchWorks catalog

If we include these discouraged work seekers the total number of unemployed increases trade unions and democratic option in nigeria 7. Approximately three-quarters of the unemployed are younger than 34 years old and if we focus exclusively on the age group we notice that over equity trading strategies pdf of all youth are unemployed More specifically, in March the unemployment rate amongst black South Africans was Not surprisingly, a common sight on street corners and construction sites in SA is the number of young unemployed black people looking for work.

But the fact that these individuals are out of work and are unable to really enjoy the freedoms that SA's constitution guarantees is also in large part thanks to labour unions.

In this respect labour unions have turned into a double-edged sword for millions of poor South Africans. COSATU, an umbrella organisation formed innigefia particularly effective in mobilising support in factories and towns across SA during the apartheid era through a range of wage strikes and in and nigeria option trade unions democratic strikes.

Thus the movement played a very valuable role in the dismantling of the apartheid regime in concert with other parallel tdade initiatives. COSATU nlgeria by far the largest representative trade union body in SA, representing roughly half of all unionised workers and through its affiliation with 21 trade unions has a combined membership of over 1. For instance, if there is a high demand for a particular job performed by a few people, these people will have a relatively large amount of market power and they will be in a position to determine their deocratic pay and working conditions.

In this instance there will be little need for the workers to be unionised. In this scenario there is scope for a union to enter the market, sign up the individuals as members, bargain collectively on their behalf, and protect them by blocking the entry of anyone wishing to compete for their jobs.

For workers within equity trading strategies pdf unionised sector, wages are secure and inequality increases due to the fact that some individuals are earning money whilst others are effectively prevented from entering the nigeeia at the lower end.

Considering the role of labour unions partly to bargain collectively and partly to block the entry of potential competition it should be clear that unions have an interest in ensuring that their members are protected, whatever the implications of that protection may be. This immediately begs the question why, in post-apartheid South Africa, does the ruling party continue its relationship trade unions and democratic option in nigeria a trade union when there is a clear conflict of interests?

The ANC needed labour unions forex trading avec options binaires the s and early s but now it has created an economic monster.

Description:Mar 1, - Trade Unions in South Africa and Nigeria do not look at an Afro-centric context when Fundamentally, as democracy takes hold in Africa, public service policies and . Policy is about choice and its consequences and.

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Vibei #1 04.09.2018 alle 17:03 dice:
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You are similar to the expert)))
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